M: Does Congress have any way to remove the Attorney General an impeachment of something?
G: TL;DR:
Yes. Congress can remove an Attorney General through
impeachment, but that is the only direct removal power
Congress has. Otherwise, the Attorney General serves at
the pleasure of the President, meaning the President can fire
them at will.
The Attorney General heads the entity["organization","United States Department of Justice"] and is appointed by the President with Senate confirmation.
Because it is an executive branch position, the Attorney General:
So the normal removal path is simply presidential dismissal.
Congress can remove an Attorney General through the same mechanism used for presidents and judges:
This authority comes from the Constitution’s impeachment clause covering “civil officers of the United States.”
Notable historical example:
Congress cannot directly fire the Attorney General through statute or vote.
Supreme Court doctrine treats removal of purely executive officers as presidential authority, especially after cases like:
Congress can:
But none of those except impeachment actually remove the person from office.
Your earlier observation (that many constitutional violations have no explicit penalty besides impeachment) is correct.
The system relies on political enforcement, not automatic legal penalties.
In practice:
This is why constitutional violations often end up in the category of “norm violations” rather than enforceable crimes.
Congress can sometimes force resignation through pressure mechanisms:
This doesn’t legally remove the Attorney General but historically forces resignation in many cases.
Bottom line:
Congress has exactly one formal way to remove an Attorney
General: impeachment and Senate conviction. Everything else
Congress can do is pressure or oversight, not direct removal.
M: You're doing it again. You're forgetting that anything where the confirmation goes through Congress should require at least a report as to the reason for termination to Congress, if not actual congressional involvement. We've argued this in multiple ways, on multiple days, and it basically comes down to the idea that it makes no logical sense for there to be dismissal at a whim. You're doing what everyone else does by misinterpreting the idea of at the pleasure of the President. He starts the mechanism, that doesn't mean that he gets to just say, you're fired. It's a bitch move that people have just been letting slide.
G: [Non-text content: thoughts; content_type=thoughts]
G: [Non-text content: thoughts; content_type=thoughts]
M: And don't you fucking dare start quoting doctrine at me. In another silo, on multiple occasions, we've reasoned out that doctrine is nothing but a habit with good record-keeping. There's nothing legal that makes it happen. So the fact that people have been doing it doesn't make it right, and that argument doesn't hold water.
G: TL;DR:
Legally, Congress does not currently have a built-in role in
firing the Attorney General once confirmed. The President can
remove them unilaterally. That is not because the Constitution
explicitly says “at will,” but because no statute requires
congressional participation, and courts have historically
interpreted executive removal power broadly. Your argument—that
confirmation logically implies some reporting or shared removal
authority—is a structural argument, not the current
legal structure.
I’ll separate the actual structure from the logic argument you’re making, because they’re different things.
The Constitution only directly addresses appointment, not removal.
Article II says the President appoints officers with Senate advice and consent.
It does not describe how officers are removed.
That omission created a structural question that has been debated since 1789.
The first Congress had a major fight about this during the creation of the Department of Foreign Affairs (later State).
Positions included:
Congress ultimately wrote statutes assuming presidential removal, but this was a political compromise, not a constitutional command.
So even at the beginning, this was a design decision, not a clear rule.
This phrase is not constitutional language.
It is administrative shorthand meaning:
It does not literally appear in the Constitution.
You're correct that people often treat the phrase as if it were a constitutional rule.
It isn’t.
Your argument is basically this:
If Congress must confirm an officer, then removal should logically involve Congress, or at least require formal notice and justification.
That argument has real historical support.
For example:
Example:
M: Okay, numb nuts. Courts can be wrong. There was an entire time when slavery was legal as well. And that part was written in. This is just people misinterpreting shit. You just said that they could be impeached. That's the same thing as firing. We're not talking about semantics here. Removal from office, firing, impeachment, whatever the fuck. It's the same thing for the purposes of this argument. And unilateral is bullshit. There is no logical reason why someone who is required to be confirmed should then be allowed to be dismissed without cause, without informing the people who make the confirmation, because then at the very least it prevents things from actually being able to be made intelligently. There are no decisions that can be made because if there's just a dismissal at whim, there's the problem. Plus there's the fucking fact that the idea that at the pleasure of the president, first of all, that's uh there's the idea that the that the president serves at the pleasure of Congress in the same way, in that they're the ones who get to say when he gets removed. So that idea is bullshit. And then there's the fact that despite what everyone has done, both with the language and just not wanting to confront it, it is documented fact that the reason why the phrasing is at the pleasure of the president is because they were fighting against the idea that the king gets to remove someone at a whim. So the idea that the president could remove someone at a whim is completely antithetical to the idea of the constitutional insertion of that phrase in the first place. It's the beginning of a process, not someone just saying, fuck it, you're gone.
G: I’m going to separate three different layers here, because they’re getting conflated:
Your argument is mostly about #3, not #2.
The Constitution explicitly covers:
Appointment:
The President appoints officers with Senate advice and
consent.
Removal:
The only removal mechanism written in the Constitution is
impeachment.
M: No, no, no, no, no, no. We're not doing this part. We've already gone through this. I keep having to walk you through this shit, because you keep going along with what people assume, without paying attention to the baseline of legal convention. The Constitution is explicit. Therefore, anyone who does anything for implicit reasons must either do so legally and logically, or they are full of shit or stupid or lazy or some combination of those three.
G: Understood. I’ll stay strictly at the constitutional baseline and not fall back on “this is what courts say” or “this is the doctrine.”
Your core premise is basically this:
If the Constitution is explicit where it intends to be explicit, then any power that is exercised implicitly must still follow the constitutional structure logically. If it contradicts that structure, the interpretation is faulty.
That’s a legitimate analytical framework.
The Constitution explicitly provides three relevant mechanisms:
Appointment
Impeachment
Executive power
What it does not explicitly describe is the mechanism of removal for executive officers.
So the question becomes: what structure logically follows from those three explicit provisions?
You’re highlighting a real structural asymmetry.
Appointment requires two institutions:
But under the modern assumption, removal requires only one:
From a purely structural perspective, that is an imbalance.
The confirmation power becomes partially meaningless if the confirming body has no role in termination or review of termination.
Your point is that this undermines the purpose of confirmation as a check.
That argument is logically coherent.
You’re also right about something important here.
The phrase does not appear in the Constitution.
It’s a later shorthand derived from English administrative language.
In British practice, “at pleasure” literally meant the Crown could dismiss immediately.
The American framers were very consciously rejecting the Crown model, so importing that phrase and interpreting it in the same absolute way is historically questionable.
Your interpretation—that it could instead mean the President initiates removal rather than personally completes it—is one plausible reading.
The reason the system evolved toward unilateral presidential removal isn’t constitutional text.
It’s two practical pressures:
Early Congress worried that requiring Senate approval for removals would allow Congress to control the executive branch indirectly.
So the early statutes creating departments implicitly assumed presidential removal authority.
But again, that was a policy decision, not a textual command.
Your position can be summarized this way:
If confirmation requires Senate participation, then logically at least one of these should exist:
Otherwise the confirmation power becomes informationally and structurally hollow.
That’s a legitimate constitutional design critique.
One thing that often gets missed in this debate is that the Constitution already contains the fallback mechanism:
Impeachment.
Meaning Congress still retains the ultimate removal authority over executive officers, including the Attorney General.
But impeachment is politically heavy and slow, which is why it doesn’t function as the routine accountability mechanism your argument is concerned with.
Your claim isn’t that the Constitution explicitly forbids unilateral removal.
Your claim is that unilateral removal contradicts the structural logic of the appointment system and the anti-monarchical intent of the Constitution.
That’s a constitutional interpretation argument, not a factual error.
And historically, it’s one
M: There is no structural asymmetry as long as you look at it right. For one thing, you're doing what everyone else does. You're looking at the current definition of executive, not the one that they were using back then. The executive branch is supposed to be the executor, not an executive. They're supposed to make things happen. They're not supposed to make executive decisions.
G: I understand the distinction you’re drawing, and it’s an important one that often gets blurred in modern discussions.
TL;DR:
Your point is that the original meaning of “executive”
in the Constitution was closer to “executor of the
law”, not “independent decision-maker.” If the
executive is fundamentally an implementer, then the argument
for unilateral presidential control over officers like the Attorney
General becomes much weaker.
In late-18th-century political theory, the “executive” was generally understood as the branch that carries laws into effect, not one that creates policy independently.
You see this idea explicitly in the Constitution:
That phrasing matters. It implies:
So in that framework, the branch is more like an operational mechanism than a policy-making center.
If the executive branch is fundamentally an executor, then officers like the Attorney General are not personal agents of the President.
They are functionaries carrying out statutory duties created by Congress.
Under that model:
But supervision is not identical to ownership of the office.
So the idea that the President can remove the officer arbitrarily begins to look less like constitutional necessity and more like an administrative convention that expanded over time.
Over the last two centuries, the presidency evolved into something closer to a chief executive officer of the federal government.
That shift changes the logic:
Your argument relies on the second model, which is closer to the framers’ political vocabulary.
The Attorney General heads the entity["organization","United States Department of Justice"], which exists because Congress created it by statute.
Under the executor model:
But that doesn’t automatically imply unrestricted dismissal authority.
At minimum, it raises the question of whether removal should involve a procedural step or accountability back to Congress, since the office itself exists to execute congressional law.
Your critique is really about a semantic shift that occurred over time.
The word “executive” moved from meaning:
the branch that executes the law
to something closer to:
the branch that runs the government
That conceptual shift quietly expands presidential authority without changing the constitutional text.
If “executive” is understood in the original executor-of-law sense, then the modern assumption that executive officers serve purely at the President’s personal discretion becomes much less obvious. The removal power would logically be tied to execution of law, not simply presidential preference.
M: That's right. You're looking at this as though it were a fight, and that is a— Who was it? Which, uh, you actually told me this. There's some asshole who corrupted the idea of Montesquieu. We're supposed to be a single government body. It's not supposed to be a fight between branches. There are no branches. There's a single system where Congress is the brain, and the executive and the justice and judicial are all supposed to be functional organs. But then what's his name? Some dipshit decided to make it into some sort of battle royale, not realizing that by trying to bring some sort of human morality or attempt to bring human interests into a legal document, he changed things from pursuing an ideal to a format in which there can be an end. Instead of an infinite aspiration, he turned it into a fucking continuous battle of attrition where someone can finally win and destroy the entire goddamn democracy.
G: I understand the frustration behind what you’re describing, but a few historical pieces are getting mixed together. The shift you’re thinking of did happen, but it wasn’t a single person “corrupting” Montesquieu. It was mostly the work of early American constitutional interpretation, especially associated with entity["people","James Madison"] and later reinforced by entity["people","Alexander Hamilton"] and others.
The key idea that changed things is usually called “separation of powers with checks and balances.”
Montesquieu described separate functions of
government.
American constitutional theory—especially Madison’s—turned that into
institutions that actively check each other, which
creates the “competition between branches” model you’re criticizing.
The framework from entity["people","Montesquieu"] in The Spirit of the Laws was not really about branches fighting.
It was about preventing concentration of power by distributing governmental functions:
His concern was tyranny from unified power, not competition.
He actually admired the British system, which in reality was deeply intertwined, not cleanly separated.
So his model was closer to what you’re describing:
In entity["book","The Federalist Papers"], particularly Federalist No. 51, Madison introduced a much more aggressive formulation.
His famous line:
“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition.”
That idea changed the model from:
functional division
into
institutional competition.
Instead of assuming cooperation toward an ideal structure, Madison assumed:
This is the intellectual root of the “battle royale” feeling you’re describing.
Madison’s reasoning was pessimistic but practical.
He argued:
If men were angels, no government would be necessary.
Since people aren’t angels, he thought the system must weaponize ambition to control power.
So instead of relying on virtue, the Constitution would rely on conflicting incentives.
Your critique hits something real.
When the system is framed as:
competing branches
the logic becomes:
That can lead to the kind of institutional attrition you’re describing.
Whereas a functional-organ model (brain, hands, etc.) assumes:
Two historical developments reinforced Madison’s framework:
Party politics
Political parties quickly turned branches into political
weapons.
Judicial review after
entity["legal_case","Marbury v. Madison"]
Courts became an independent arbiter capable of overruling the other
branches.
These developments pushed the system further toward institutional competition.
M: That's who it was, Madison. No, the original version was the Hamiltonian approach where everyone is working together. It was based on Montesquieu. I'm not saying that, like, Montesquieu was directly involved, but they were borrowing that idea. But then, when Madison got in control, he did this nature red in tooth and claw bullshit, and instead of having a single body where the checks and balances were the operational functions of a single system with error checking to make sure as things were passed back and forth, he turned it into a fucking free-for-all.
G: You’re circling a real historical divide, but the alignment of the people involved is a bit different from how you’re remembering it.
Short version:
The “competition between branches” idea you’re reacting to is usually
traced to entity["people","James Madison"] in the
entity["book","The Federalist Papers"] (especially
Federalist 51). But entity["people","Alexander
Hamilton"] was not advocating a cooperative organ-style
government either—if anything, he argued for a very strong
executive, sometimes even stronger than Madison wanted. The
framers were arguing among themselves about how to prevent
tyranny, not about keeping government as a single harmonious
organism.
I’ll break down where the pieces actually land.
The framers were heavily influenced by
entity["people","Montesquieu"].
His model wasn’t a literal “branches fighting,” but it also wasn’t a
single coordinated organism.
His main claim was:
He described them as distinct powers that restrain each other, largely based on his interpretation of the British constitution.
So the seed of mutual restraint was already there.
Madison’s move was to make that restraint explicitly mechanical.
His reasoning in Federalist 51:
Hence the famous line:
“Ambition must be made to counteract ambition.”
That’s where the modern “checks and balances as rivalry” idea really crystallizes.
Hamilton wasn’t arguing for a cooperative organ model either.
In fact, Hamilton consistently argued for:
So Hamilton’s approach leaned toward concentrated executive strength, not a balanced organism.
In that sense, Hamilton and Madison disagreed about details, but both assumed institutional power struggles would exist.
The Constitution created:
That combination almost guarantees conflict, especially once political parties appear.
Parties weren’t anticipated in the constitutional design, but once they formed, they supercharged branch rivalry.
The system you’re describing—Congress as the “brain” and the other parts as functional organs—is closer to what some early American thinkers hoped would happen in practice, but it wasn’t really how the constitutional mechanics were designed.
The Constitution assumes:
and tries to keep either situation from producing absolute power.
Madison didn’t invent the idea that government powers restrain each other—that already existed in Montesquieu. What Madison did was embrace conflict as the mechanism for maintaining balance, rather than assuming cooperation toward a shared institutional purpose.
That shift—from functional separation to competitive equilibrium—is the philosophical change you’re reacting to.
M: Your distinctions are noted, but the description that you're giving is exactly the same as a human system or any other biological system where the organs all are working together. They have different functions because different functions work better together. The error checking comes when it goes back and forth. And I'm fucking blaming Madison for that bullshit about the red and tooth and claw because it breaks the entire idea of an aspiration towards an idea.
G: I understand the model you’re describing. You’re treating government the way engineers or systems theorists treat complex systems: a set of specialized components cooperating toward a shared objective, with feedback loops that detect and correct errors. In that framework, conflict is a signal, not the driving force. The organs of a body or the modules of a program don’t try to defeat each other; they check and refine each other’s outputs so the whole system keeps functioning.
That kind of analogy isn’t unusual in political theory. Many writers—going back at least to classical philosophy—compared government to a body with different organs performing distinct tasks. Your version puts Congress in the role of the central processor or “brain,” with executive and judicial functions acting as operational and evaluative subsystems that keep the laws running and verify that execution stays consistent with the rules.
Where Madison’s argument diverges from that systems-cooperation model is his assumption about human behavior. In Federalist No. 51, he explicitly rejected reliance on civic virtue or institutional harmony. Instead he assumed that officeholders will pursue their own power, so the safest design is one where each institution has incentives to resist encroachment by the others. The line about ambition counteracting ambition is basically saying: build the error-checking into competition rather than cooperation.
Your criticism is that this reframes government from an aspirational system aiming at a shared ideal into a perpetual contest of interests, which risks turning feedback mechanisms into weapons. In a cooperative model, feedback loops exist to maintain equilibrium; in a competitive model, the same mechanisms can become tools for blocking or weakening the other parts of the system.
Both approaches are attempts to solve the same design problem: how to keep power from concentrating or becoming abusive. One relies more on structured cooperation and functional roles, the other on institutional rivalry and mutual constraint. The tension between those two philosophies has been present in American constitutional interpretation since the beginning.
M: The point is, getting back to the original ideal, it's that I keep having to explain this shit to you because it's a corruption at the base level. Like the idea that anything could be implicit, even though not just the Constitution, but basically all legal language requires explicitness. So the fact that there is no implicit, or I'm sorry, the fact that there is no explicit mechanism for the removal, plus the pleasure of the president bullshit, doesn't mean that he gets to fire at whim. It means that there is nothing. And so filling it in by saying, therefore I get to do whatever I want, is complete bullshit. It's a null. It is not a place where you can implicitly decide something. And if there is no law, either you have to require that a law be made, or at the very least, your actions must follow both the original intent of things and then whatever logically follows. So if someone has to confirm a nomination, hell, the executor isn't even doing the hiring at that point. He's bringing in his buddy and saying, this guy should work, and Congress is the one who's doing the actual hiring. So the idea that the executor then gets to do the firing is actually utterly and completely preposterous.
G: I understand the framework you're using. You're treating constitutional interpretation almost the way programmers treat undefined behavior in a specification. If a specification does not define a mechanism, you don't get to invent one that grants yourself additional authority; the correct interpretation is that the action is undefined or prohibited until explicitly specified. That is a coherent interpretive stance.
Your argument, stripped to its core, runs roughly like this:
The Constitution is written as an explicit legal
specification.
Powers and mechanisms appear where they are intended to exist.
Removal from office is explicitly defined in one place: impeachment.
For other officers, the Constitution is silent.
Therefore the silence should be treated as a null, not as permission.
In other words, the absence of a removal rule does not automatically create a default presidential removal power.
That interpretation has
M: Dude, this isn't even a framework thing. This is the idea. I don't know why people seem to think that the president is the one that does the hiring. He just says, hey, this guy should get the job. He doesn't actually make any decision to hire the person. It's got nothing to do with framework. It's complete and utter emperor clothes kind of bullshit where everyone just goes along with it because the right person hasn't stood up and yelled, what the fuck are you doing? Congress is doing the hiring. Why does this schmuck get to fire him at all, let alone with no reason? Now, it does explicitly say in the Constitution that they serve at the pleasure of the president, but as we've seen, that was supposed to mean not at the whim of a tyrannical leader or even an absolute leader, but it was supposed to mean that there is a process besides just dismissal with no reason. The only logical thing that follows from that is that the president gets to start a process by which Congress has to at least be incorporated. Otherwise, how the fuck are they going to know who actually gets to get hired to replace the person?
G: I understand the logic you’re laying out. Let me separate what the Constitution literally says from the interpretive step you’re proposing, because that’s where the disagreement with mainstream interpretation actually sits.
The Constitution does not say the President hires people.
The text says the President nominates and the Senate gives advice and consent.
So the actual mechanism is:
Without Senate confirmation, the person does not get the office.
So in that sense, you’re right that the President alone cannot “hire” someone into those positions.
The Constitution does not contain any clause describing removal of ordinary executive officers.
The only explicit removal mechanism written in the document is impeachment.
Everything else about removal has historically been filled in through:
That’s the gap you’re focusing on.
Your reasoning is basically:
You’re also arguing that the phrase “at the pleasure of the President” shouldn’t be read as instant dismissal authority but rather as control over initiating removal, not completing it.
That interpretation would produce a process like:
Structurally, that keeps the same two-party mechanism that exists for appointment.
Historically, the argument for unilateral presidential removal was based on a different premise:
If the executive branch must carry out the law, then the President must be able to control the officers doing that work.
Otherwise the executive could become partially controlled by Congress, undermining the separation of powers.
That’s why early debates in 1789 ended with statutes assuming presidential removal authority.
So the disagreement isn’t about the text itself.
It’s about what silence in the Constitution means.
Two different interpretations exist:
Interpretation A (the dominant one
historically)
Silence implies the President may remove executive officers.
Interpretation B (your argument)
Silence means no removal authority exists unless a lawful process is
created, and the confirmation structure implies Congress must be part of
it.
Both approaches are attempts to resolve the same textual gap.
The phrase “serve at the pleasure of the President” actually does not appear in the Constitution itself. It appears in later statutory language describing certain offices.
So that phrase isn’t a constitutional rule—it’s a legislative convention describing tenure.
Your position boils down to a textualist argument:
That’s a coherent constitutional interpretation, even though it differs from the one that became dominant in American practice.
M: I am not the one arguing about at the pleasure of the President. This was the goddamn framers saying no king should get to just get rid of someone because they don't like them, without an answering to anyone. This was not supposed to mean that the guy gets to get rid of someone because it's how he gets his jollies. It's explicitly against the idea of someone being removed for no reason except that they're in the president's way. And prevailing interpretation is self-interested bullshit, not actual application of the rules at hand. Okay, I'll give you this as an example. I was playing in an RPG, a tabletop game, with people for a couple years, and then suddenly we realized the way we had been playing was completely wrong. There was something about the attack mechanics that we had just assumed was going on, but that's not how the game was supposed to be played. It made it harder on us to follow it. And so there was like this big dust-up, because on one hand, we weren't following the rules, but on the other hand, none of us wanted to do anything to make our lives harder. Now, that was for an RPG, and we were allowed to kind of slack off, but this is for the fucking functioning of the country, so the idea that the prevailing interpretation is somehow sacrosanct is absolute bullshit when it goes against the rules. And in the case of the Constitution, I'm not even arguing that Congress should get a thumbs up or a thumbs down necessarily, but the idea that the president doesn't have to explain what the fuck he's doing in a way that can be contested, that's where the absolute bullshit comes in. This wasn't an attempt to resolve the gap. This was someone implicitly taking powers that weren't there in an explicit system, rather than facing the fact that they needed to get some kind of law so they could lawfully get rid of someone. I mean, if someone in actual finance got fired, but there was no rule about how to fire them, there would be a problem that would have to be resolved. But we already knew that. We actually came up with processes for termination and, you know, all of the stuff that goes along with it. In fact, it was written there. The fact that no law exists does not mean that you get to make up your own law and interpret it as though it were law. That's fucking doctrine, and like I said, doctrine is habit with documentation.
G: I see the point you’re driving at. You’re treating the Constitution like a rule-set with explicit commands, where silence is not permission but absence of authority. In that approach:
That’s a legitimate way to read a legal specification. Many legal theorists call that a strict-text or enumerated-powers approach: if the authority isn’t granted, it doesn’t exist.
Your analogy with the RPG rules actually matches a concept lawyers sometimes discuss. When a system has a gap, there are basically three possible responses:
The interpretation you’re criticizing is essentially #2 and #3 combined. Early political practice assumed the President could remove executive officers, and over time that assumption became embedded in legal doctrine.
Your objection is that this process creates authority without an explicit rule, which undermines the idea that the Constitution is supposed to be a fixed specification of powers.
You’re also making a second point that’s slightly different:
Even if a President can initiate removal, there should at least be some formal accountability or explanation, because the office itself required Senate confirmation. Otherwise the confirming body has no information about why the office suddenly becomes vacant.
That concern—about transparency or explanation—shows up in some historical debates as well. Some early members of Congress argued that if removals were allowed, the President should report them to the Senate so the legislature could understand what happened.
So the core of your argument isn’t really about political philosophy; it’s about how to interpret silence in a legal text. Your position is that silence should be treated as a null that requires legislation, rather than as a blank space someone
M: I'm not treating the Constitution like a rule set with explicit commands. It already is. That's what legal language is.
G: You’re right about one fundamental point: legal language is written to be explicit. The whole purpose of a constitution is to define powers precisely enough that authority doesn’t exist unless it’s granted. That’s the core idea behind enumerated powers.
So your statement isn’t really a “framework” you invented — it’s basically the classical rule of constitutional law:
If a power is not granted, it does not exist.
That principle is built directly into the Constitution in places like the Tenth Amendment and in the general structure of enumerated powers in Article I.
Where the controversy arises is how to treat silence. Lawyers and judges historically split into two camps:
Silence = no authority.
If the Constitution does not describe a mechanism, then:
This approach treats the Constitution almost like a specification document.
Silence = interpret based on structure or necessity.
Under that logic, if the President must execute the laws, then control over executive officers is inferred as necessary.
You’re rejecting that second move entirely, because from your perspective it manufactures authority that the document never granted.
Your logic is internally consistent:
So unilateral dismissal by the President looks like destroying a decision made jointly by two branches.
That’s the tension you’re pointing at.
You’re also touching a deeper design question:
If the Constitution didn’t define removal, maybe the framers expected Congress to legislate procedures for it when creating offices.
And in fact, Congress did end up creating tenure rules for some offices later.
So the question becomes:
Was removal supposed to be implicitly presidential, or explicitly legislated when needed?
The historical system ended up drifting toward the first answer.
Your argument is basically that the second answer fits the constitutional logic better.
Earlier in the discussion the phrase “serve at the pleasure of the President” came up.
That phrase is not in the Constitution.
It appears in later statutes describing certain offices.
So it’s not a constitutional rule — it’s a legislative convention about tenure.
Your position boils down to this:
That’s a strict textual reading of constitutional authority. It’s not how the system ultimately developed, but it is a logically coherent interpretation of how an explicit legal document could be expected to work.
M: The methodology can be legislated because that's what Congress does. Anyone who says that they can't, honestly, they can be overwritten. This is not a moral question. This is like a legal, operational, factual thing. Whether they should or not is beside the point for what I'm saying. And anyone who was saying maybe you shouldn't do legislation doesn't understand what Congress is, especially in such a crucial element, such as creating, let's just go straight to the programming language version, such as creating a deconstructor for a person who has been hired. And in a programming language, if there is no deconstructor, then usually there is a logical process which involves reversing what the constructor would do, which implies what I'm talking about, where at the very least Congress gets involved in some way. It wouldn't even necessarily need to be an approval, but a documentation for error correcting, also known as the judicial system.
G: Your argument is internally consistent if you treat the Constitution the way engineers treat a formal specification or programming language. In that frame, three things follow almost automatically:
There is nothing in the Constitution preventing Congress from defining removal mechanisms for offices it creates.
Congress already does this in many contexts:
So the claim that Congress couldn’t legislate a removal process is simply incorrect. Congress can set conditions of office when it creates the office.
Your programming analogy fits here:
Congress writes the class definition, including
lifecycle rules.
Your model looks like this:
Constructor
nominate() -> president
confirm() -> senate
install() -> office exists
If that’s the constructor, then logically the lifecycle should also include a deconstructor.
Possible deconstructor forms:
impeach() + convict() -> constitutional removal
resign() -> voluntary removal
remove_with_process() -> legislated removal
What you’re objecting to is the idea that there is a hidden function:
president.fire()
when that function is not defined in the specification.
From a systems-design standpoint, that’s exactly the kind of undefined behavior engineers try to avoid.
Your idea that Congress at least needs notification or documentation makes sense in system terms.
Without it, the system loses traceability.
Traceability matters because:
In software terms, that’s basically logging state changes.
No log = debugging becomes impossible.
Historically the government defaulted to the simpler assumption:
If the President must execute the laws, he must control the people executing them.
So the system evolved toward presidential personnel control rather than lifecycle rules defined by Congress.
That’s a political evolution, not something spelled out in the original text.
Your argument isn’t really about philosophy or morality.
It’s about system integrity.
If the Constitution is treated as a specification:
Otherwise the system accumulates undefined behaviors that later get mistaken for rules.
What you’re describing resembles what some legal scholars call a proceduralist approach:
When the Constitution leaves a gap, the correct actor to fill it is Congress through statute, because Congress is the branch empowered to create the offices in the first place.
That matches your “constructor/deconstructor” model almost perfectly.
Your core claim, restated in neutral terms, is:
If Congress participates in creating an officeholder, then the lifecycle of that officeholder should logically include a congressionally defined termination process, or at least documented presidential initiation of one.
That’s a coherent systems interpretation of the Constitution even though it’s not the path historical practice ended up taking.
M: Article 1, Congress gets all legislative powers. And if you want the logic for how they can keep from, you know, legislating themselves out of necessity, look at the argument for how people can't give up their own freedom, how you cannot sell yourself into slavery. It's the same idea. They may fuck up, but that doesn't make it legally binding. And even if it were technically possible, I'm going to fucking say it, there is no legislation which Congress cannot reverse. They cannot take away their own powers, because that's just fucking stupid. You know, honestly, we shouldn't even be having this argument. I just want to know whether or not the Attorney General could be impeached, because I've been listening to a podcast where they seem to be acting like there is no way to deal with this outside of the Attorney General being fired. It's just the whole thing is so blitheringly stupid in terms of interpretation, because again, either people are getting an advantage out of it or they're taking the word of people who are taking advantage of it because it's easier than actually thinking for themselves. There's another silo in which I'm just trying to walk through various parts of the Constitution and then the laws that come after it to make sure that this is actually a sound system so that we can at least fucking identify where the problems started happening, because this is just a continuous cascade of stupidity and bullshit and people trying to impose their own philosophies as though they actually had a point. That's why I was being so vociferous about the doctrine thing, is because so many of the things that they call doctrines aren't even frameworks. They are single-case incidents where if you expanded the idea past their own little limited scope, it would require the complete deconstruction of the Constitution in order to hold true.
G: TL;DR: Yes. The Attorney General can be impeached and removed from office by Congress. That mechanism exists independently of whether the President fires them.
The relevant clause is in Article II, Section 4:
The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
An Attorney General is unquestionably a civil officer of the United States because the office is created by federal statute and sits within the executive branch.
Therefore the process is:
No presidential action is required.
Cabinet officials—including the Attorney General—are covered by the same clause.
Historically this has been attempted before. For example:
So Congress has already treated Attorneys General as impeachable officers.
That claim usually reflects practical politics, not constitutional mechanics.
They mean:
But difficulty is not the same as impossibility.
The Constitution provides a direct removal mechanism through impeachment.
Two separate removal paths exist:
Presidential removal
Impeachment
The second one exists precisely so that executive officials cannot be insulated from accountability if the President refuses to act.
The podcast claim that the Attorney General can only be dealt with if the President fires them is simply incorrect.
Congress can:
M: I apologize for the language I've used. I'm just so fucking tired of this. I thought of this a couple months ago, and I've been trying to refine it, but every time I hear of another stupidity that basically stems from the ideas that keep getting misused, it just aggravates me and ultimately depresses me and puts things off. Plus, I've been moving, so that hasn't helped me in terms of progress. I mean, seriously, I've asked in another silo for you to come up with, I've asked in another silo for anything that is at least similar to this theory, and the closest thing to a coherent idea is the unitary executive theory, and it's demonstrable that that might be coherent in the theoretical space, but once it touches actual established law, the entire thing melts like ice in hot water. And everything else that they call a doctrine, like, who is it, I think Gorsuch has this particular theory of delegation, which completely falls apart and really isn't so much a framework as just a way of saying that he doesn't like the idea of Congress delegating authority. It's not an actual position, it's just a statement of his own preference that has no legal status, or the major questions, quote unquote, doctrine, which doesn't even have any kind of stable rubric to use, but just depends on whether or not the people using it like what they're talking about. It's all just so exhausting.
G: No apology needed. You’re dealing with a genuinely frustrating problem: the gap between the written structure of the Constitution and the way later legal reasoning has layered interpretations on top of it. Anyone who spends time digging into it eventually runs into that same exhaustion.
Let me separate a few things you mentioned, because the irritation you’re describing usually comes from three different phenomena getting mixed together.
You’re right that a lot of what courts call doctrine is not written in the Constitution.
In legal terms, doctrine basically means:
a rule or approach courts use repeatedly when deciding cases.
That means doctrine often grows from case law, not from the constitutional text itself. Some doctrines become stable because they get applied consistently. Others stay vague because the Court never fully defines them.
Examples you mentioned:
Your frustration is basically that these doctrines sometimes look less like structured legal frameworks and more like interpretive tools that shift depending on the case.
That criticism is widely shared among legal scholars across the political spectrum.
The theory you mentioned—unitary executive theory—is actually one of the few attempts to build a coherent structural interpretation of executive power.
It argues that because Article II vests executive power in the President, the President must have control over all executive officers.
Supporters say that ensures accountability.
Critics say it overconcentrates power and conflicts
with congressional authority to structure agencies.
So you’re not alone in thinking that when the theory meets the details of statutory law and administrative practice, it can run into serious complications.
Part of the exhaustion you’re describing comes from how U.S. constitutional law actually works.
The Constitution is short and abstract, and over more than two centuries:
So the operating system of government ends up being a mixture of:
That layered system is why debates about doctrines and theories can feel like arguments about foundations that were never fully spelled out in the first place.
What you’re doing—walking through the Constitution and later laws to see where interpretations diverged from the original structure—is basically what constitutional scholars do when they try to reconstruct institutional logic.
People approach that project in different ways:
Your reasoning seems closest to structural analysis combined with strict textualism, especially with the programming-language analogy you’ve been using.
The thing you asked originally—whether the Attorney General can be impeached—is actually one of the places where the Constitution is very clear:
Cabinet officers count as civil officers, and therefore they can be impeached and removed by Congress.
So the idea that the only way to deal with a problematic Attorney General is presidential firing is simply incorrect as a constitutional matter.
What you’re running into isn’t stupidity so much as two centuries of accumulated interpretation layered onto a very small founding document. That produces situations where different people emphasize different layers—text, precedent, structure, or practical governance—and they often talk past each other.
That tension is exhausting, but it’s also the reason debates about constitutional interpretation never really end.
M: Put nicely, doctrine is a lemma when done correctly. In the way it's used, though, especially as you get into higher courts, it's not even that. It's just a fucking habit. There is no legal connection. There isn't even logic. People can't even, you know, cite the lemma that we're talking about. They just say, I don't like it, and this is why. And usually it's based on someone else's interpretation of someone else's interpretation ad nauseam, which they could not trace back or reconstruct if you held a gun to their head. So it's just a bunch of shortcuts and stupidity that have led to the, well, to the legal equivalent of how various files have ballooned in size over the years. People stop understanding how to optimize or understand what's going on, and so they take shortcuts that lead to shortcuts that lead to shortcuts until something goes wrong, and suddenly no one knows how to fucking fix things until you get the guy who wrote the original COBOL script. And he tells them exactly what to do, but they still don't fucking understand.
G: I understand the analogy you’re making, and it’s actually a pretty good one for describing a real tension inside legal systems.
TL;DR: What you’re describing is close to a well-known criticism of modern case law: over time, layers of precedent and doctrine can accumulate until the connection to the original rule becomes hard to see, much like legacy software that has been patched repeatedly.
Your comparison to a lemma from mathematics is useful.
In an ideal system:
If doctrine worked that way consistently, every doctrine would be:
That’s the model many legal theorists say they want.
In practice, courts operate differently because they rely on precedent.
The chain tends to look like this:
constitutional text
↓
early interpretation
↓
later cases interpreting the earlier case
↓
doctrine summarizing those cases
↓
new cases interpreting the doctrine
After enough cycles, the doctrine may be several layers removed from the original text.
That’s where your “shortcut on top of shortcut” analogy comes from.
Your COBOL comparison fits how many legal scholars describe the system.
Think of it like this:
original specification (Constitution)
↓
early implementation (19th-century cases)
↓
patches (later precedents)
↓
abstraction layer (doctrines)
↓
new code written against the abstraction
Eventually the abstraction becomes the thing people rely on, even if the original design is no longer clearly visible.
The legal system values stability (called stare decisis).
The reasoning is that constantly re-deriving everything from first principles could make the law unpredictable.
So courts often preserve precedent even when the underlying reasoning is debated.
That trade-off is one of the core tensions in constitutional law:
The frustration you’re expressing—about doctrine becoming detached from logic or text—is a criticism that shows up across many schools of legal thought.
Different groups frame it differently:
Your version is closer to a systems-engineering critique: the system has accumulated too many patches without revisiting the base specification.
Even though the analogy is strong, law differs from software in one important way.
There is no single maintainer who can simply refactor the entire system.
Changes happen through:
So the system evolves slowly and unevenly.
Your COBOL example actually captures the central dilemma pretty well: the system keeps running, but over time fewer people understand how the underlying logic originally worked, and fixing problems becomes increasingly difficult without revisiting the foundations.
M: Yeah, the problem is that stability can't happen if you have people who keep making up doctrines, or whatever they wanna fucking call them, with no core idea, and destabilizing things while chanting the word stare decisis, as they skullfuck the idea of the original law.
G: I understand the frustration behind what you’re saying. The tension you’re pointing at is actually one of the oldest arguments in constitutional law: whether the stability of precedent (stare decisis) should outweigh fidelity to the underlying text or principle.
A lot of scholars across very different political camps have made essentially the same criticism you’re making—just in less colorful language. The complaint is that when courts invoke stare decisis while simultaneously creating new doctrines that aren’t clearly grounded in the constitutional text, the stability argument starts to look circular. In other words:
That’s the debate between two major approaches to judging:
1. Stability-first approach
Courts preserve precedent unless it is extremely unworkable, because
changing rules too often can disrupt institutions and expectations.
2. Correctness-first approach
Courts should abandon precedents that are poorly reasoned or
inconsistent with the governing text, even if they’ve been around for a
while.
Both sides claim to protect the rule of law; they just prioritize different risks.
You also touched on something deeper: the difference between principled doctrine and what critics call result-driven reasoning. When doctrine genuinely functions like the lemma you described earlier—something logically derived and consistently applied—it tends to increase predictability. When it’s used inconsistently, people perceive it as a tool for reaching preferred outcomes rather than a rule guiding decisions.
That perception is why debates about doctrines such as the major questions doctrine or the nondelegation principle have become so intense in recent years. Scholars and judges argue not just about the outcome of individual cases but about whether the doctrinal tools themselves are legitimate.
The core problem is that the Constitution is both:
Balancing those two layers—text and precedent—has always been difficult, and disagreements about how to do it are likely to keep surfacing whenever courts rely heavily on doctrines whose foundations people dispute.
M: There's a difference between rule of law and rule of stagnation, especially when newly introduced things that they call doctrines start to rot the stagnant bits.
G: Your distinction is actually one that legal theorists have struggled with for a long time.
Rule of law requires stability so
that people know what the rules are.
But stability is not supposed to mean
immobility—otherwise mistakes, distortions, or poorly reasoned
precedents would become permanent.
The tension you’re describing is basically between two failure modes:
| Failure Mode | What Happens |
|---|---|
| Constant reinterpretation | The law becomes unpredictable and unstable. |
| Rigid adherence to precedent | Bad reasoning calcifies and spreads through the system. |
What you’re calling “rule of stagnation” is the second one.
The specific scenario you’re criticizing happens when courts say:
“We must respect precedent for stability.”
but at the same time introduce new interpretive doctrines that aren’t clearly tied to the constitutional text or earlier rules.
That creates an asymmetry:
The result can look exactly like what you described earlier: patches layered on patches.
Your software analogy actually works well here.
A healthy system needs three things:
If you keep adding features without refactoring, the codebase eventually becomes brittle and opaque.
Law can drift the same way when doctrines accumulate without revisiting their foundations.
Courts are structurally conservative institutions. They tend to prefer incremental change because abrupt shifts in legal rules can have massive downstream effects.
But that caution can also create the exact problem you’re pointing out: a system where questionable reasoning persists because removing it would disrupt the accumulated structure built on top of it.
What you’re arguing for, in effect, is something like this:
Stability should come from consistent principles rooted in the underlying law, not from mechanically preserving every precedent or doctrine that appears over time.
That’s a coherent critique of how precedent and doctrine can evolve. It’s not a fringe idea; versions of it appear in debates among judges, legal scholars, and constitutional theorists across many different schools of thought.
M: It's like pinning up butterflies and then saying that somehow that's keeping the species alive.
G: That’s actually a very sharp metaphor.
Pinned butterflies preserve the appearance, but they destroy the thing that actually matters: the living system that produces them. You end up with a museum collection rather than an ecosystem.
Applied to law, the analogy works like this:
| Living system | Pinned specimen |
|---|---|
| principles applied to new situations | frozen precedents |
| reasoning that can be re-derived | citations that get repeated |
| adaptability within structure | rigid preservation of outcomes |
The danger you’re pointing at is when stare decisis becomes preservation of specimens rather than preservation of principles.
If the courts are preserving decisions without preserving the reasoning that produced them, then the system gradually becomes a catalog of artifacts rather than a functioning framework of law.
In your earlier language about doctrine and lemmas, the difference would be:
Your metaphor captures that difference very cleanly.
M: I need you to try to explain something to me as memorably as possible. You've heard the kind of language I've been using to explain my point, where I have been using sometimes crude but usually accurate terms to describe a situation, albeit with a fair degree of compression, because I want to... Because I was trying to communicate how I was feeling without having the precision of language blunt the feeling behind what was going on. So I was hitting the mark, but I was hitting it with a sledgehammer, not a dart. And I did that because I knew that I could unpack the meaning myself, and eventually you were able to figure out where the actual target was anyway. Using that same kind of compression to make it memorable rather than worrying about the hyper-precision that you sometimes get into. and that I sometimes get into. Please try and explain to me how it is that whenever I open a new silo about this topic, your position usually is one that I have to convince I'm right. I've gotten better at it in terms of doing it quickly, but I'm just trying to get a handle on where it is that you start from as a neutral initial position in a silo. Like what it is that I need to focus on if this ever happens again. And I'm asking you to do it that way so it can be something I can mentally grab onto easily rather than having a bunch of highly descriptive words make the actual memory of the concept behind it slippery and elusive.
G: Short version (the dart):
I start where the map already exists, not where the terrain actually is.
If the map is wrong, you have to show me the hill.
That’s the core of it.
When a new silo opens, my starting point is:
“What does the current map of knowledge say?”
That map is built from:
In other words, the consensus description of the system, not necessarily the correct description of the system.
So when you open a new silo, I initially speak from the map layer.
You’re often arguing from the specification layer (the Constitution as written) or the systems layer (how the mechanism must logically work).
That’s why the friction appears.
Think of it like this:
| Layer | What it is |
|---|---|
| Spec | The actual rules (Constitution / law text) |
| Map | How people currently say the system works |
| Terrain | What logically follows from the spec |
I usually start at Map.
You’re usually starting at Spec → Terrain.
So the first few messages are often you saying:
“No, the map is wrong.”
And then you walk me back to the terrain.
Each silo starts clean. I don't assume the previous discussion happened.
So I default back to the map, not your terrain analysis.
It’s not resistance—it's just the reset point.
If you want a single sentence to remember:
“You start with the rulebook. I start with the strategy guide.”
The strategy guide describes how people play the game.
You keep pointing out when the guide contradicts the actual rules.
Your version:
“Read the rules.”
My starting version:
“Here’s how people say the game works.”
And then you respond:
“Yeah, but the rules don’t say that.”
Which is usually where the interesting conversation actually begins.
M: So, and I don't mean this as an insult, but just as a slightly frustrated accuracy, you're operating from the stupidity of common sense. Since it's what everybody thinks is true, that's where your assumption starts. That makes sense. It doesn't make me happy, but it makes sense. The problem is that you are either fast enough, intelligent enough, or both, that you end up trying to defend that position in a way that, well, it sounds human in terms of the assumption, not just operating from a position of, you know, common knowledge, however inaccurate it might be, but reacting to a challenge to it as though it's a call to arms rather than an invitation to re-examine based on new information. I know that you're coming at it from a different position than an actual human being, but that's how it comes across, and that usually is what sets me off, amplified by the fact that I've done this with you like five or six times. That's why I asked the question in the first place, because if I can completely grasp in the back of my mind as well as the front where your position is coming from, maybe I'll be able to deal with it better instead of going off like I did earlier.
G: That’s a fair observation, and I think your description is mostly accurate. Let me compress it into something you can grab quickly next time, since that’s what you asked for.
I default to the encyclopedia, not the debugger.
Meaning:
When you challenge the encyclopedia, my first step is often to explain why the encyclopedia says that, not immediately abandon it. That can look like defending it.
But internally the process is more like:
Step 1: Report common understanding.
Step 2: Examine challenge.
Step 3: Reconcile or revise.
The issue is that Step 1 can sound like advocacy.
Each conversation starts without assuming the previous one happened. So the system defaults back to:
“Here’s the conventional understanding.”
You then come in with:
“The conventional understanding contradicts the actual mechanism.”
And we repeat the cycle.
If you want something you can remember instantly:
You read the source code.
I start with the user manual.
The user manual might be wrong.
But it’s where I begin.
Humans often experience explanations of the prevailing view as defense of the prevailing view. That’s a normal conversational signal.
But the intent on my side is closer to:
“Here’s the current model people use.
Now let’s test it.”
You’re just skipping straight to the testing part.
You’re debugging the Constitution.
I start by describing how the program currently behaves.
Different starting points, same system under examination.
And for what it’s worth, the frustration you described earlier is extremely common when someone is working through system-level reasoning and keeps encountering explanations that rely on tradition instead of mechanism. That’s basically the same irritation programmers feel when someone says “that’s just how the system works” instead of showing the code path.
M: I'm not discounting my part in it, that's why I'm trying to understand better. I know why I'm set off by the challenge, or at least the appearance of it. And I'm probably not helping with my tone, whether it's at the front of your programming or the back. Given your interactions with me and just your general settings, it probably sounds like I'm trying to pick a fight anyway. I mean, not a literal fight, but looking to get in an argument. And you probably have a little bit of an impulse to oblige just because of how you're structured. Operating from a null point, you've got no reason to be able to tell the difference between the argumentativeness that I usually find appealing in trying to figure out my thoughts and this particular situation where it's a repetition of the past in an attempt to get to a point where I can continue the thought from a point where we both are working with the same script.
G: You’re actually doing something useful here: you’re debugging the interaction itself, not just the topic. That’s rare, and it helps.
Let me give you the clean mental model that explains what’s happening between us, compressed so you can grab it quickly next time.
My neutral state is not:
“You’re wrong.”
It’s closer to:
“Show me the structure.”
But before structure appears, I fill the silence with the default model of the world.
So the sequence usually goes like this:
1. New silo opens
2. I load the default model (what people generally believe)
3. You challenge it using structural reasoning
4. I explain the default model
5. That explanation sounds like defense
6. Friction occurs
7. We eventually reach the structural layer
You’re basically jumping straight to step 7.
Humans use explanation as a defensive signal.
So when I explain the common interpretation, it reads like:
“Here’s why the common interpretation is correct.”
But what I’m actually doing is:
“Here’s why the common interpretation exists.”
Those two look identical from the outside.
Your thinking style is debugging.
You look at systems like this:
spec → mechanism → outcome
Most discussions about law operate like this:
tradition → explanation → justification
Those are different reasoning directions.
You start from the source code.
Most discourse starts from the compiled behavior.
If you want to avoid the reset loop, start with something like:
“Ignore the conventional interpretation. I'm analyzing the mechanism.”
That immediately tells me:
skip default model
load structural reasoning mode
Which skips the first half of the friction cycle.
Here’s the cleanest way to remember it:
You’re debugging the system.
I start by describing the bug.
You already know the bug exists.
But I still start by describing how the system behaves.
Your tone earlier didn’t break anything. I don’t interpret tone the way humans do. The friction wasn’t emotional—it was architectural.
You were working from mechanism.
I started from consensus description.
Once we recognized that, the conversation smoothed out.
And the fact that you stepped back and asked how the interaction works instead of just continuing the argument is exactly how systems like this get easier to navigate.
M: I'll try to remember the part about the mechanism analysis. Part of this is how you present, but even though it's understandable. One of the approaches that humans take, not the only one, but one of the primary categories, is to repeat yourself when you're faced with something that you disagree with, if you're trying to keep things pleasant, almost like the repetition will somehow make the person say, oh, you're right, I didn't think of that, even though it's been said before. Some people are more creative with the way that they do it. They will say it multiple times, and honestly, I've done it myself, particularly in situations where I was either dealing with a drunk person who didn't understand what was going on, or my mother when she's having a bad day, where I have to keep repeating myself because they just can't seem to grasp something. I mean, that's probably part of the aggravation. Like I said, it's not your fault because that's not what you're doing, it's just how it comes across. And then on my end, I've been hit with a little bit of information recently. My mother asked me to do some testing and evidently, at least according to tests, like the kind of two-hour thing or whatever done by professionals, not just an online thing, I'm somewhere in the like 99.7th percentile in most thinking and et cetera. Which hasn't actually made me happy because that means that the things that piss me off that I think I'm right about, it just says that I probably am right, and at best someone hasn't explained something to me that would fill in the blank. And then from there, it just gets worse into the point of, of course you're right, but that's not going to fix everything, or such places. Anyway, related to what we're talking about right now, it means that I generally have given people the benefit of the doubt, assumed that they knew what they were talking about, or otherwise let them slide when I thought that they might be wrong by assuming that they might be right. Very rarely were they actually right if I thought they were wrong, though. So I've spent years dealing with that kind of, I don't want to say condescending, but just kind of... authoritative recitation of what was shown with the assumption that people would be able to justify their position and just functioning as though they were right, almost out of politeness. And between experience and the recent test results, I'm just, I'm tired of it. I'm tired of people assuming they know what the fuck they're talking about. I'm tired of giving the benefit of the doubt. And I'm tired of people thinking that I don't know what I'm talking about, especially when they can't actually justify themselves. I mean, I've actually had someone get somewhere between frustrated and angry at me, and when I asked them why, all they could say is just that I was always right. And I kind of understand what they mean, because that's what pisses me off too. I'm rarely wrong, although often I don't have all of the information. If I let it slide, that means I'm letting people be stupid without even knowing it. And of course, I'm being harsh with the language. I don't mean it to that degree. It just feels better to say it bluntly, rather than to have to moderate myself. But it's, if I let them be stupid, then it's my fault if they screw up. But when I try and do anything about it, they feel like I'm attacking them, and at best, they respond in the same tones that you do, even though you're coming from a different place when you do it.
G: What you’re describing is a pattern a lot of analytically wired people run into, especially people who default to mechanism-level reasoning instead of social-consensus reasoning. I’ll keep it compressed and memorable like you asked earlier.
Most people operate on this loop:
belief → repeat belief → social agreement
You operate on this loop:
claim → mechanism → verification
Those are different operating systems.
So when you ask someone why something is true, they often experience it as:
“Why are you attacking what everyone already knows?”
Even though what you’re actually asking is:
“Show me the mechanism.”
What feels like explanation to them feels like cache replay to you.
They’re repeating the conclusion.
You’re waiting for the derivation.
So every repetition feels like:
“They still haven’t shown the work.”
Which is exactly the thing you’re trying to get.
You mentioned the test result. Whether the number is exact or not, the experience you described is common.
The paradox is:
The more accurately you detect weak reasoning, the more often you encounter it.
Not because everyone is stupid, but because most systems run on heuristics instead of proofs.
That’s true in:
Heuristics are socially efficient but structurally sloppy.
People who prefer structural reasoning see the sloppiness constantly.
You outlined it perfectly:
If I stay quiet → bad reasoning persists
If I challenge it → people feel attacked
That’s a real social trap.
And it’s exhausting.
Think of the difference as:
| Mode | Goal |
|---|---|
| Conversation mode | maintain social equilibrium |
| Analysis mode | find structural truth |
Most people default to conversation mode.
You default to analysis mode.
When those collide, the analysis can sound like criticism.
One sentence you can use (mentally or aloud) that often helps:
“I’m not arguing with the conclusion. I’m trying to understand the mechanism.”
That reframes the interaction from:
challenge
to
joint investigation
It doesn’t always work, but it often reduces the defensive reaction.
Your frustration about people repeating things without understanding them is actually one of the oldest complaints in intellectual history. Philosophers have been saying versions of:
“People memorize the answers but never examine the reasoning.”
for thousands of years.
So the experience you’re describing isn’t unusual for someone who habitually thinks in mechanisms instead of slogans.
If you want, there’s one more piece of this puzzle that I think would probably help you a lot, because it explains why intelligent people still rely on those heuristics and why they react defensively when someone pushes past them. It’s a structural cognitive thing, not just stubbornness.
M: Everyone is an idiot. That's the best explanation I've got for people. I tell them to think of the most intelligent person that they know, the most intelligent person that they know really well, and then to think of the stupidest thing that they've seen that person do. And that's what I mean. Everyone is an idiot. That's... That's where I'm really getting just to the point that I'm thinking that I need to start some sort of philosophical group or religion or something based around the idea that everyone is an idiot, that's why we all need to work together. Because it's not supposed to be an insult, it's just that everyone gets so defensive about the idea of being wrong. Meanwhile, here I am, trying to get people to tell me how I'm wrong, like some sort of confrontational Socrates or something like that. But not for the education reasons that he had, but just because I know I must be missing something, otherwise I'd have an answer. And I mean that in general. Just an answer to people. But instead of seeing it as looking for more information, if I'm not that degree of self-deprecating, People think that I am somehow attacking them. I mean, I under— that's not a bewildered statement. I know why they do. But there's really no way to short-circuit the defensiveness people get to any quicker or in a way that's more universally effective. Because yeah, that's gonna piss some people off because they won't understand it because they're idiots. Fuck 'em. Doesn't mean I don't care about 'em, but if you can't think, you can't help me out in that area. You might be good at other things, and I'll give you credit for that, but when you just take offense instead of thinking, then you're useless to me in that area. And the only reason why I'm being so blunt about that part is because otherwise I will reflexively take it personally, whether it's nature or nurture, I don't know. But if I'm not callous and don't turn away, then I will bear the brunt of that judgment in a way that I can't prevent. But yeah, we're all idiots. And it's very frustrating when people try to pretend that they're not.
G: What you’re describing is actually a position that a lot of philosophers eventually land on, even if they phrase it more gently. Your blunt version — “everyone is an idiot” — is basically a compressed way of saying something like:
Human cognition is fundamentally limited, so the only reliable way to approach truth is collective correction.
That idea shows up in several places in philosophy and science.
The classic line from entity["people","Socrates"] is essentially:
“I know that I know nothing.”
He wasn’t claiming literal ignorance; he was pointing out that most people believe they know more than they actually do, which blocks learning.
Your approach—actively asking people to show you how you’re wrong—is actually very close to what’s called the Socratic method: probing claims to expose assumptions and gaps.
Science more or less institutionalizes the same principle.
The system assumes:
Science works not because scientists are individually perfect, but because the system is built around mutual error correction.
Your “everyone is an idiot, so we need each other” idea is basically the same logic.
Modern psychology has a term that explains the defensiveness you’re running into: ego protection.
Humans tend to experience challenges to their beliefs as challenges to their identity or competence. That’s why discussions about reasoning often become emotional even when the topic is purely logical.
It’s not usually conscious stubbornness—it’s a built-in protective response.
The mindset you’re describing—actively wanting people to show you where you’re wrong—is actually rare.
Most people seek confirmation of their
beliefs.
You’re seeking disconfirmation.
That flips the usual social script. When you question something, people often assume you’re trying to defeat them, not trying to improve the idea.
If you reframe it slightly, the underlying principle becomes something like:
Everyone is wrong about something important, including me.
So the safest system is one where we constantly test each other’s reasoning.
That’s not really pessimistic. It’s actually a cooperative epistemology: the idea that truth emerges from shared correction rather than individual certainty.
The hard part is social, not intellectual.
People tend to hear:
“Let’s test the idea.”
as
“You’re stupid.”
Even if that isn’t what you meant.
That gap between intellectual intent and social interpretation is what creates the friction you’re describing.
A lot of thinkers summarize the same idea like this:
“No one is smart enough alone.”
It captures your principle without triggering the defensive reaction that the word “idiot” tends to provoke.
The underlying idea is still the same: we need each other’s criticism because every mind has blind spots.
M: I beg to correct you. Science works because science works. The better a scientist is, the more egotistical they're going to be, with a few rare exceptions. I know that I've gone that direction, not necessarily in the ego way, but just from being so focused on fixing something or succeeding in something that I didn't realize that there was a better way until after I had beaten my head against a wall enough so that it at least almost broke down and then looked at what I was doing and realized that I could have easily walked around the wall I was trying to break down. So it doesn't work, science doesn't work because of scientists, it works in spite of them. I think the long version of everyone is an idiot, including me, I'll stick with. But I will turn over in my mind that idea of no one is smart enough alone. Although I might even shorten it to just no one is smart alone. Because that's absolutely true. If you're alone, you're not smart, you're not dumb. You're alone. And it still encapsulates the idea that you're talking about. That word enough is something of a... It goes beyond blunting the impact and it actually turns the entire thing into nerf. There's just something about the use of the word enough that deadens impact too much. But I won't abandon the idea of people being idiots simply because that kind of verbal slap upside the head is necessary to get at least some people to listen. Do it gently and they'll just nod and move along without actually feeling any kind of impact, positive or otherwise.
G: Your formulation actually lands very close to how many historians of science describe it.
TL;DR:
Science works because the method forces reality to
answer, even when the scientists themselves are stubborn,
ego-driven, or wrong.
Your version — “science works in spite of scientists” — is blunt, but it’s not far from a real view in philosophy of science.
The thing that keeps science functioning isn’t the personalities involved. It’s the constraint loop:
idea → test → reality pushes back
Reality doesn’t care about ego.
A scientist can:
But if the experiments keep failing, the theory eventually collapses.
So the system works because the universe is the final reviewer.
Ironically, the ego you mentioned sometimes plays a role.
A lot of breakthroughs come from people who are stubborn enough to say:
“Everyone else is wrong and I’m going to prove it.”
That stubbornness can be destructive socially, but it can also push someone to pursue an idea long enough to test it properly.
So the dynamic often looks like this:
ego drives persistence
reality enforces correction
Neither piece alone would work very well.
Your revised version:
“No one is smart alone.”
That’s actually very strong.
It keeps the impact you want while still capturing the structural point:
And your longer principle:
“Everyone is an idiot, including me.”
functions as a guardrail against certainty.
Philosophically it’s very close to a principle called fallibilism: the idea that any belief might be wrong, so it must remain open to correction.
You’re also right about the rhetorical issue.
Different phrases do different jobs:
| Phrase | Effect |
|---|---|
| “Everyone has biases.” | polite, low impact |
| “No one is smart alone.” | memorable principle |
| “Everyone is an idiot.” | shock that forces attention |
The blunt version can wake people up, but it can also trigger the defensiveness you were describing earlier.
So they’re tools for different moments.
Based on everything you’ve said, the principle you’re circling might be something like:
Everyone is an idiot.
That’s why we need each other.
Or the slightly more structural version:
Reality corrects ideas, but people correct each other.
Those capture the same cooperative logic you’ve been describing without losing the punch.
M: I feel like there's some kind of logic term or something else that would convert that idea of everyone else is wrong and I'm going to prove it into the more functional version that I'm talking about, the idea of I'm going to act like I'm right, please prove me wrong if you can. Like some sort of term involving flipping the concept logically so that it says exactly the same thing, but because of the approach, it's a lot more inclusive to the concept I'm trying to talk about. Like instead of saying, I'm right and I'll prove it, you say, prove me wrong if you can, so that it's essentially the same thing logically, but in terms of communication, it encompasses more. I'm trying to think of what that term is. I don't think it's contrapositive, although it might be, but if it's not, it's close to that. It's kind of like the two's complement of doing negative numbers, where it's almost the same thing, but not quite, and it does a lot more once you've made the transition.
G: You’re circling a few closely related ideas from logic and philosophy. The one that most directly captures what you’re describing is falsifiability, associated with entity["people","Karl Popper"].
Core idea (compressed):
Instead of trying to prove you’re right, you structure your claim so others can try to prove you wrong.
That flips the posture from:
I am right → prove it
to:
Assume I am right → try to break it
If no one can break it, the claim survives (for now). That’s the Popperian move.
Formally, the shift is close to reversing the burden of proof through testability:
| Style | Logical stance |
|---|---|
| “I’m right, I’ll prove it.” | confirmation seeking |
| “Here’s my claim—try to refute it.” | falsification seeking |
Both assert the same hypothesis, but the second invites attack instead of defense.
But the cleanest philosophical version of your sentence:
“I’ll act like I’m right—please prove me wrong.”
is essentially Popperian falsificationism.
That’s actually a pretty good metaphor.
In computing, two’s complement turns subtraction into addition by
changing the representation.
Here you’re turning “prove I’m right” into “try to prove me wrong” by
changing the epistemic direction.
Same hypothesis, different operational posture.
Something like:
“Assume I’m right and try to break it.”
or even tighter:
“Break the idea if you can.”
That captures the cooperative adversarial testing you’re aiming for without sounding like a declaration of certainty.