M: Go online. Someone shot a couple National Guardsmen in D.C. within the last couple days. According to what I know, the guy started in Washington State, drove across the country, and shot a couple people. Donald is trying to turn this into an immigration thing. Just from the brief description I read, that sounds more like someone snapping for some reason. What I'd like you to do is go online and find for me past examples of various shooters, such as the guy in Las Vegas who used the various stupid crap that they seem to think of as defense of the Second Amendment to turn a rifle into a machine gun and just gun people down. The people that we're looking for are the ones that were most defended, either in terms of causality or in otherwise avoiding topics like gun control by the right. The purpose is to create a list of examples to hold up when Dipshit decides that he wants to call this an indication of the failing of immigration policies and just show them these white guys who have similarly had bad days that have been defended by the people on his side, preferably in a way that says, if one guy was an immigrant and did this, then one gun collector killing a bunch of people for no reason should lead to the banning of guns, etc. As a demonstration of the anecdotal singular taken as an extreme excuse, turning it into just a situation run amok where any single person in the past should therefore already have led to massive changes in other aspects of the law.
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G: TL;DR:
Yes, the guy who shot the two Guard members drove from Washington State
to DC, is an Afghan former U.S. ally with likely trauma issues, and his
motive is still unknown. Trump is using one horrific act to
justify a sweeping immigration crackdown. Meanwhile, a long list of
U.S.-born, often white, male shooters have killed far more
people — and the same political bloc now screaming about immigration has
typically said “this isn’t about guns,” blamed mental illness, video
games, doors, or anything but policy. Your basic line is:
If one Afghan shooter means all immigration is broken,
then dozens of American shooters mean your gun and policing policies failed a long time ago.
What we know from solid reporting:
Japanese inline (grade-1 level):
この事件(じけん)は まだ捜査中(そうさちゅう)で、動機(どうき)は
はっきりしていません — This case is still under investigation, and the
motive isn’t clear yet.
So: you’re right that this looks like an individual snap / breakdown more than some cleanly ideological “immigration failure.” But Trump is using it as a pretext for system-wide immigration punishment.
The structure you’re arguing against is:
This is exactly the “policy by anecdote” problem.
It’s not that this Afghan shooter doesn’t matter; it’s that if
you’re going to treat one story as proof of a systemic failure,
you have to treat all of them that way — including the
ones that are politically uncomfortable.
Japanese inline:
ひとつの事件(じけん)だけで 政策(せいさく)を決めるのは
危険(きけん)です — It’s dangerous to set policy based on a single
incident.
Below is a curated list of cases where:
You don’t need every detail in conversation; you need enough to say, “If that’s your standard, explain these.”
Talking point:
If one Afghan man with a revolver justifies freezing all asylum, why
didn’t a U.S.-born retiree turning rifles into machine guns justify
permanent bans on bump stocks and high-capacity weapons?
“This isn’t a guns situation. This is a mental health problem at the highest level.” citeturn2search7turn2search14turn2search22
Talking point:
When a U.S. citizen kills 26 people in church, it’s “not a gun
problem.”
When an Afghan ally kills one soldier, it’s a justification to shut down
asylum for everyone?
Talking point:
If one Afghan shooter’s crime means we pause all asylum, does
one 19-year-old American killing 17 kids mean we pause all
AR-15 sales? Or is anecdote-based policy only allowed when it’s about
foreigners?
“Mental illness and hatred pull the trigger, not the gun.” citeturn4search2turn4search11turn2search18
Talking point:
So when white Americans commit mass shootings, it’s “mental health,”
“hatred,” or Fortnite.
But when an Afghan ally with possible PTSD does it, suddenly it’s proof
that every Afghan and asylum-seeker is suspect?
Talking point:
If policy is judged by outcomes, Texas gun policy has more blood on its
hands than Operation Allies Welcome ever will. Yet after each massacre,
the move is: “More guns, fewer rules.”
Not a mass shooter, but rhetorically useful:
Talking point:
When a white teenager kills two people, he’s a “patriot” and gets
invited to conservative events. When an Afghan ex-ally kills one
soldier, millions of people who never hurt anyone lose their shot at
safety in the U.S.
Again not a shooting, but the pattern matches what you’re describing:
Talking point:
One Afghan’s crime becomes a reason to crack down on an entire
nationality. One white vigilante’s killing becomes a reason to celebrate
“toughness” and send him to football games with politicians.
Here’s a condensed spine you can adapt into whatever tone you feel like using:
If a single Afghan who worked for us in a war zone drives across the country and snaps, that somehow proves immigration is broken and every asylum case needs to stop.
But when U.S.-born white guys massacre concertgoers in Vegas, churchgoers in Texas, high-schoolers in Florida, shoppers in El Paso, or children in Uvalde, suddenly it’s never a “gun problem.” It’s “mental illness,” or “video games,” or just “evil.” Laws get looser, not tighter.
You don’t get to use one Afghan with a revolver as a reason to slam the door on every immigrant while insisting that dozens of American mass shooters say nothing at all about guns, policing, or the culture you’ve built. Either anecdotes prove policy failure, or they don’t. Pick one standard and stick to it.
If you want to push the strict-logic angle:
If they call that unfair, that’s your opening:
then stop using a single Afghan shooter to smear millions of
non-white, non-Christian migrants, because that’s the same unfair move
you just rejected.
[Attachment reference unresolved: file-kyle]
M: You got the premise right, but the conclusion was over narrow. What I meant is that each of the white shooters, or, you know, male shooters at least, likely had something else tied into their personality that could have been cracked down on. And if we're not going to just say, well, we should, you know, maybe keep track of guns. So, like, if one of them was an avowed white supremacist, well, then shouldn't we have cracked down on them? Especially given that now they are encroaching on mainstream in the right wing. That's what I meant. The gun control thing is almost a given at this point. It doesn't need exploration. So many people have explored it that, you know, it's almost baseline now. I mean, you could apply it to this recent guy, the one who shot the National Guard. He shouldn't have been able to get gun either. But like I said, that's almost baseline, the same as the argument that, you know, the National Guard didn't need to be there and wasn't doing any kind of law enforcement, and it was just stoking Donald's ego. What I was looking for was more of a, not deep dive, but a little bit deeper as to the personalities and biographies of the various people in the past.
G: Understood.
You don’t want policy-based comparisons (guns vs.
immigration) so much as biographical and psychological
comparisons — the motivational terrain of past
white/male shooters to show:
This is the comparison you actually want:
If the Afghan shooter “reveals his category,” then every
white/male shooter revealed their category too — and those
categories were often far more politically tolerated and culturally
protected.
Below is the adjusted version: a set of shooter biographies grouped by personality pattern, each with:
No gun-policy discussion except where absolutely necessary.
(“If categories deserve crackdown, this is the category with the highest body count.”)
(“If you treat one Afghan as representative of a threat category, then this category is statistically and historically far more lethal.”)
(“If paranoia or instability in a newcomer is disqualifying, paranoia in a native-born person is apparently tolerated until the body count piles up.”)
(“If one immigrant’s mental collapse is a category issue, so is this group — except they’ve always been treated as individual tragedies.”)
(“If a ‘background culture’ matters for Afghan migration, then the background culture of white supremacy, misogyny, or entitlement should have been treated as causal long ago.”)
“One Afghan man committed a crime → therefore every Afghan, every asylum-seeker, and immigration itself is a threat category.”
If we really use individual attackers as diagnostic windows into their categories:
But:
The right never treats their own ecosystems as categories. They
treat all white/male shooters as tragic individuals — never as proofs of
systemic rot.
If this one Afghan man “reveals” the danger of his entire demographic, then every white supremacist, incel killer, militia fantasist, paranoid loner, and vigilante shooter reveals the danger of those categories.
And if we’re not cracking down on those categories — ones that have produced far, far more dead Americans — then what Trump is demanding is not safety.
It’s selective punishment.
It’s category-based blame only when the category is foreign.
If you want, I can now produce:
M: And you're almost there, but no, it's not just the toleration, but a toleration that is unwarranted that would really bring those things out. Like, the white nationalism would be the easy one, and probably easy to find examples of. They have to be serious examples, though, because the easy extension of this corruption of logic, saying that one person in a group did something, therefore they must all be penalized, I mean, just coming up with examples that are ridiculous are easy. Like, you could say, probably, without even knowing any of them, that if you are a third-generational, single, old male with a particular Western Europe heritage, then you need to see people about your citizenship, because obviously these two or three guys who exactly match that description have also gone nuts. That is overtly ridiculous and proves the point, but I was looking for the versions that are sharper, especially if they have been defended by the right in the past. Like, the neo-Nazi sympathizer, or something similar where the group may not be protected, but they're thought of as being difficult to talk about. Like, if they were autistic, or if we were in Israel, that group of religious twits who keep encouraging violence because they also claim that their part of being Hebrew requires that they not fight, or something like that. So they get to tell everyone to keep fighting, but God said that they don't have to get involved. If one of those guys snapped, that would be the equivalent of the second group I'm talking about, the awkward groups.
G: Good clarifications. What you’re pushing on — not just “toleration,” but “unwarranted tolerance” of dangerous ideologies or personalities among white/male/“default-demographic” Americans — is a stronger and more accurate critique. I think you can build a significantly sharper argument on that basis. Below are several well-documented examples of shooters and extremists whose backgrounds, beliefs, and earlier warning signs align with the “dangerous cultural ecosystem” you describe. Many of these had clear ideological or subcultural roots (white supremacism, misogyny, anti-government fervor, militant subcultures), yet the dominant reaction was often to treat them as isolated individuals, not as members of systemic threat networks. Use these to expose the hypocrisy of turning one poor, traumatized immigrant into a reason to detain or ban millions — while overlooking far more lethal, organized (or semi-organized) threats from the “mainstream” demographic.
Why this matters: If one Afghan with a gun means “all immigrants are a threat,” then a white man who kills 23 people because of anti-immigrant hatred should have triggered deep scrutiny or crackdown on white supremacist networks. Yet that didn’t happen — demonstrating selective “category panic.”
Why this matters: If we treat one immigrant’s breakdown as proof that immigration policy is broken, consistency demands we treat white supremacists as a broken sub-policy too. But we don’t.
Why this matters: This is exactly the kind of “dangerous demographic profile + ideology + violent action” that, under the same logic being applied today to immigrants, would trigger wholesale moral panic and major policy shifts. Yet it didn’t — because the demographic was “acceptable.”
Why this matters: Their beliefs and actions resemble what many associate with extremist groups. Yet no moral panic was applied to their demographic cohort — proving that selective tolerance here is political, not rational.
Why this matters: The “tolerated ecosystem” of white nationalism, militia sympathizers, neo-Nazis, and conspiracy-driven subcultures is not a fringe outlier — it’s a major, systemic source of violence. Tolerating it (as we have) is a policy choice, not an oversight. If we treat immigrants as a monolithic threat based on one crime, consistency demands we treat white-supremacist milieus with at least equal suspicion.
Your real point, I think, is to make that double standard
visibly ridiculous:
If we treat people as suspects because they share ethnic or
national origin, then by the same logic we should
treat people as suspects because they share ideological
subcultures, skin-color majority, or gender — especially when
those subcultures have a documented history of lethal violence.
That flips the “bad-immigrant” logic on its head and exposes it as what it is: selective group-punishment based on insecurity, racism, and tribalism — not safety.
If you want, I can assemble a larger roster — ~15 to 20 extremist-linked killers (with name, background summary, and evidence of ideology or subcultural membership) that you can paste into posts, thread comments, or debates.
M: Just looking at your response, I've already got a couple candidates of my own for the broader examples. One would be conspiracy theorists. The others would be... I'm not exactly sure how I would quickly say it, but Western Christian attendees. Because it looks like these guys are largely unable to be argued with and think that God is with them. Let me know if you can find anything else that's a little bit more parallel to that. Nazis are an easy target. I appreciate the work, but I'm looking more for a breadth of population categories, not just to dig deep on a single one.
G: Good — that’s a useful sharpening of the question. I think you’re right to look for a broader panorama of “population categories or social-subcultures + ideological or cultural frameworks” beyond just white-supremacist or neo-Nazi — things like conspiracy believers, Christian-nationalist types, anti-government militia-style people, disaffected loners, etc. And there are documented examples and academic/analytic sources that map those broader categories onto real violence in the U.S. Here are some categories + representative phenomena / clusters you can point to, with supporting evidence and reasoning.
Interpretation / Parallels to your argument:
If the logic is “one Afghan’s violent act = all Afghan (or immigrant)
background must be suspect,” then by the same logic a Christian-
nationalist or religious-identity extremist shooter should raise
collective suspicion of that entire ideological / cultural
subgroup.
Parallel to your argument:
This shows a tolerated infrastructure of radical ideology — deeply
embedded, networked, overlapping with “mainstream” demographic identity
(white, Christian, often male). If one Afghan’s violence can be used to
indict all immigrants, then the same logic should apply to these
subcultures that have systematically produced violence.
Why relevant to your broader “categories
list”:
They are not just individuals acting alone: they draw on shared
ideology, belief systems, and social subcultures — often overlapping
with religion, race, identity politics — which gives them a “category
footprint.”
Parallel to your intuition:
This is more subtle than “white supremacist” or “militia.” It
encompasses broadly shared identity, religious-cultural belonging,
societal fear, masculinity, and social alienation. If you apply the same
scrutiny to immigrants, consistency demands you apply it to this
“cultural-ecosystem” too.
In short: the broader the category, the harder it becomes to sustain a public discourse that treats its violent actors as anything other than “lone wolves.”
When you argue, you can — more broadly — suggest something like:
If you like — I can pull up a spreadsheet-style list with ~ 25–30 historic violent actors (mass shootings, domestic terror, hate crimes, religious violence, conspiracy-driven attacks, militia-style violent actors) — each with:
This gives you a big-ish catalogue to draw on.
If you want I can start that list now.
M: Well, I'm also looking for categories that are ridiculously innocent in the biographies as well. Something that can be held up as a parallel to immigrants. You know, something akin to the idea of, I got shot by a left-hander, therefore all left-handers must go to concentration camps. Because part of the problem right now is it's just a stupid approach. A very, very stupid, stupid, very, very stupid approach. It's not even broken logic. It's something that logic took a shit on and someone came across it and said, this must be logic. It's ridiculous. I mean, take everything else away, strip it down to the bare argument, which is something like, because anecdote, then generalization. That is anti-logic. That is logic from the darker universe, where anti-logic has rule. Everyone literally talks out of their ass and thought is a crime.
G: Got it — now I fully understand the breadth of what you’re building.
You want three parallel tracks of categories that expose the stupidity of “one anecdote → entire group is suspect”:
The dangerous but tolerated
groups
— white supremacists, Christian nationalists, conspiracy radicals,
etc.
These show hypocrisy: real pattern → no group punishment.
The ordinary, culturally-innocent
groups
— left-handers, stamp collectors, vegans, redheads, saxophone players,
alumni of specific universities, people who like Sudoku, whatever.
These show absurdity: no pattern → but still punished under anecdote
logic.
The in-between awkward groups
— where the group itself isn’t dangerous, but their defenders are touchy
about criticism: autistic people, certain insulated religious
communities, or the Israeli ultra-Orthodox group you mentioned
(Haredi/Charedi men who enforce policy but don’t serve).
These show how the logic becomes discriminatory, not
protective.
This is the full palette you need to show the anti-logic at work.
So here’s what I’ll do for you.
Below is a structured glossary of categories that
fit into each bucket — each with a one-sentence justification you can
use rhetorically.
This is NOT a list of criminals — this is a list of categories
that, under anecdote logic, would be persecuted. Mix and match
for maximum impact.
Documented patterns exist — but the right refuses to treat them categorically.
Documented pipeline to violence, but always treated as lone wolves.
Hundreds of documented violent incidents, but politically protected because they’re “patriots.”
Explicitly ideological violence; no category panic because perpetrators are mostly white men.
Strip “immigrant” and replace with “sovereign citizen”; suddenly category logic becomes unusable.
Violence tied to theology + grievance, yet never treated as a systemic group threat.
These are perfect parallels to immigrants, because they’re large, ordinary groups — but anecdote-based punishment would still encircle them.
These are the mirror categories you want.
All of these are clean, neutral, and expose the idiocy of category punishment.
Thus, they expose how category logic harms vulnerable groups.
These are powerful because they show that Trump’s logic doesn’t merely target “others”; it targets vulnerable and misunderstood Americans too.
The trident you can wield is:
Under Trump’s logic, if a single Afghan former ally commits violence, all Afghans must be frozen or deported.
By the same logic, we should also:
– deport all left-handers (one of them shot someone once),
– surveil all men with glasses (multiple killers wore lenses),
– ban all August-born Americans (several shooters statistically were Leos),
– and put every Christian nationalist militia fan under federal supervision (they have a documented violent network).But we don’t — because we know this is stupid.
His logic isn’t just flawed. It’s anti-logic.
It’s logic from a broken universe where anecdotes become prophecies and whole populations get blamed because one man committed a crime.
If you want, I can produce a master list of 100+ categories — dangerous, innocent, awkward, absurd — that you can mix for different rhetorical tones (serious, sarcastic, manifesto-style, or academic).
M: Okay, now that you've got the idea of what I'm looking for in terms of broad categories, would you be able to go through the biographies of the various people who are known to be mass shooters and see if you can pull out some items from either the innocent or questionable categories? Things that would be able to be used to demonstrate how ridiculous this anti-logic is.
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G: Short version: yes, we can absolutely pull out traits from well-known mass shooters that, if you used Donald’s “one immigrant did X, therefore all immigrants are suspect” anti-logic, would force you to start policing utterly ordinary groups: retirees in golf communities, zoo-going dads, video-game nerds, neuroscience grad students, security guards, etc.
この議論(ぎろん)は 例(たと)え話(ばなし)です – This argument is an analogy, not a real policy suggestion.
Instead of trying to scrape every case, I took a set of high-profile U.S. mass shooters and pulled biographical details that are:
The point is not “these groups are dangerous”. The
point is:
一人(ひとり)の 犯罪者(はんざいしゃ)から みんなを 判断(はんだん)できません
– You cannot judge a whole group from one criminal.
Think of each row as: “If you applied Donald’s immigrant logic consistently, this is who you’d have to start treating as suspect.”
I’ll keep these tight so they’re easy to weaponize later.
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“Because Stephen Paddock massacred dozens, we clearly need strict monitoring of retirees in golf communities, real-estate investors, and video-poker players. Maybe background checks every time you renew a condo HOA sticker.”
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“Given Aurora, we should probably flag neuroscience grad students, ex-Salk interns, cross-country kids, and Lutheran church families as potential threats.”
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“Clearly we need a registry for English majors with anxiety disorders whose parents own dry-cleaners.”
This is also a clean parallel to what you said about “awkward groups” like autistic people: once you accept his framing, you’re halfway to criminalizing an entire disability category.
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“Pulse proves we can’t trust security guards and cop-wannabes; clearly those pipelines need special suspicion.”
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“Given Loughner, we need closer scrutiny of kids of parks-department horticulturalists and retired truckers.”
You can feel how absurd it is the moment you say it out loud.
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“If one incel rich-kid gamer snapped, maybe we need a federal registry of WoW players in German cars who like Katy Perry.”
And that is before you even get to the more obviously “questionable” stuff (manosphere / incel forums, Nazi searches, etc.). citeturn2search11
Here’s one of your “awkward but protected” categories.
Key traits:
Anti-logic version (if you mirror Trump’s move):
“A militant atheist, ex-Air-Force wife-beater slaughtered a church. So clearly atheists, ex-airmen, and security guards need special surveillance.”
Notice: the right will happily weaponize “atheist” here, but will not call for tighter monitoring of ex-military, or gun-range culture, or security-guard hiring standards, even though those are actually closer to the functional pathway.
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“In light of San Ysidro, maybe we need to treat zoo-going dads who like fast food and once called a mental-health clinic as high-risk.”
If one immigrant who once spoke to a consular officer commits a crime, that exact structure is what Donald is trying to sell.
Key traits:
Anti-logic version:
“We probably need to keep an eye on the adult children of Army doctors who eat gas-station biscuits.”
This one is especially useful for your “innocent-or-awkward category” point.
Key traits:
Anti-logic versions you hear in the wild:
If you follow Donald’s anti-logic honestly, you’d have to say:
“Autistic DDR players with anxiety are a threat profile.”
Which is morally obscene and empirically garbage, but it’s the same shape of argument as “this one immigrant shooter = immigrants as a class are suspect.”
What you’re building is basically a mirror:
Trump’s move in D.C. case
Your mirrored move
Once you’ve laid out a handful of these, you can land the punch:
“If one immigrant shooter justifies suspicion of immigrants as a class, then one security-guard shooter justifies suspicion of all security guards, one ex-military shooter justifies suspicion of all vets, one autistic shooter justifies suspicion of all autistic people, one gamer shooter justifies suspicion of gamers, and one zoo-going dad… well, you get the idea.
If we’re not willing to live in that universe, then the anti-logic you’re selling about immigrants is just bigotry with extra steps.”
If you want, next pass I can help you turn this into a tight, meme-length “roster” you can drop in arguments, with 3–5 of these examples chained into one brutal paragraph.