M: Please give me the skeleton, bare bones, boilerplate, or however you want to phrase it, of how you would sue, as a third party, the administration of the United States for selective application of a law. As an example, go online and check. Donald has been either threatening or taking part in numerous attempts to take out various media companies for things including lying, even when they didn't. At the same time, Fox News is demonstrably lying on a regular basis, and yet gets no pushback. Don't address that specifically. I just wanted that to be an example of what I was trying to do. It's a specific example of the generic situation where there is... Okay, here's another example. Again, go online. They are repeatedly attempting to go after certain people who have been specifically described by Donald as being his enemy, and trying to get them charged with various property issues, about having a second home and getting a mortgage on that, and then acting as though it's a foregone conclusion as they're guilty, and they're guilty in that process. Meanwhile, it has been demonstrated that multiple people on his cabinet have, again, demonstrably participated in the same thing and are not being prosecuted. So how would a third party legally address this in a way that the court would be able to handle? Victory is secondary to getting the issue public, and getting solid steps forward. Future efforts put onto the record.
G: Below is a skeleton / blueprint for how one might attempt (purely as a third party) to challenge selective enforcement or selective prosecution by the U.S. government. This is not legal advice, but an outline of how litigators sometimes frame such cases. You would need to adapt it strongly to your facts, jurisdiction, strategic goals, and resources.
Before you draft anything, these are critical obstacles that typically kill such claims:
| Doctrine / Barrier | What it requires or prevents | Key cases or authority |
|---|---|---|
| Sovereign immunity / limited waiver | The U.S. government cannot generally be sued unless Congress has provided a waiver. | E.g. Federal Tort Claims Act (FTCA) for torts by federal employees (but with many exceptions). |
| Discretionary-function exception | Even under FTCA, many acts (especially in enforcement decisions) are “discretionary,” not subject to suit. | |
| Case or controversy / standing | The plaintiff must show a concrete injury, traceable to the enforcement decision, and that a favorable ruling will redress it. | |
| Timing / ripeness / mootness | The claim must be ripe and not speculative or hypothetical. | |
| Qualified immunity / prosecutorial immunity | Individual government actors (e.g. prosecutors) often have immunity for their exercise of discretion. | |
| Burden of proof | Selective enforcement / prosecution claims impose a heavy burden on plaintiff to show discriminatory intent, not just disparate impact. | E.g. Supreme Court recognition of selective prosecution doctrine, but courts are reluctant to allow broad open-ended suits. |
| Separation of powers / political question doctrine | Courts are sometimes reluctant to second-guess enforcement decisions, which may implicate executive branch discretion. |
Because of these obstacles, many selective enforcement claims are dismissed early, or only survive in narrow circumstances.
If you’re going to build a complaint, here is a rough “checklist” of what you’d want to allege (and eventually prove):
Neutral statute or regulation
The law being selectively enforced must be generally applicable (i.e. on
its face, it doesn’t single out a particular person or class).
Disparate treatment
The plaintiff must show that others similarly situated (but outside the
protected class or political target) have not been prosecuted or have
been treated differently.
Intentional discriminatory purpose
It is not enough to show disparity; the plaintiff must allege and
ultimately prove that the decision to enforce (or prosecute) was
motivated by an illegitimate factor (e.g. political
animus, viewpoint, class bias) rather than a legitimate government
objective.
“But for” causation
The plaintiff must plausibly allege that, but for the
improper motive, the enforcement action would not have been
taken.
Injury / standing / redressability
The plaintiff must show that the selective enforcement (or threat
thereof) causes a real injury (e.g. chilling of speech, reputational,
economic, or the cost of responding to the enforcement). And that a
court ruling can remedy or constrain future misconduct.
Exhaustion / procedural prerequisites
If statutes or rules require administrative exhaustion or some
pre‐enforcement step, those must be satisfied (or be shown
inapplicable).
Below is a bare-bones structure (with placeholders). Use local rules and proper form for your jurisdiction.
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
[District / Division]
Plaintiff,
v.
UNITED STATES, and [named federal officers in
their official capacities],
Defendants.
Civ. No. [XX-XXX]
COMPLAINT FOR DECLARATORY AND INJUNCTIVE RELIEF AND (OPTIONALLY) DAMAGES
Introduction
Jurisdiction and Venue
3. This Court has subject matter jurisdiction under [e.g. 28 U.S.C. §
1331 (federal question), possibly Bivens, or other statutory
statutes].
4. Venue is proper under [venue statute] because [acts occurred in
district / government actors reside there / etc.].
Parties
5. Plaintiff is [name, address, capacity].
6. Defendant United States is the sovereign.
7. Defendant [Officer A], [Position], is sued in official capacity (and
perhaps individual capacity), responsible for enforcement decisions
under [statute/regulation].
8. (If naming individual prosecutors or agents) Defendant [Prosecutor
B], [Office], is an enforcement officer with discretion over charging /
prosecution / investigation in [geographic / subject domain].
Factual Allegations
9. Describe the law(s) or regulation(s) under which enforcement is
threatened or has been initiated against Plaintiff.
10. Describe the enforcement steps taken (investigations, threats,
charging decisions, public statements, press releases, etc.).
11. Identify a class or group of people similarly situated (in terms of
facts, conduct) who have not been prosecuted or have
been treated differently by Defendants, though they committed the same
(or more serious) violations.
12. Show that Plaintiff is similarly situated to those non-prosecuted
persons in all relevant respects.
13. Provide facts (direct or circumstantial) supporting a plausible
inference of discriminatory motive (e.g. communications, internal memos,
public statements, timing correlated with political statements,
departures from ordinary enforcement practice).
14. Alleged that “but for” the impermissible motive, Plaintiff would not
have been targeted.
15. Plaintiff has suffered, or imminently will suffer, a concrete
injury: [e.g. cost of legal defense, chilling of speech or association,
reputational damage, financial loss].
16. Plaintiff has no adequate alternative remedy (or the harm is
irreparable) and bringing this case is timely.
Causes of Action
Count 1 – Violation of the Equal Protection Component of the
Fifth Amendment (selective enforcement / selective
prosecution)
17. Plaintiff repeats and re-alleges paragraphs 1–16.
18. The enforcement action constitutes discrimination on the basis of
[impermissible classification: e.g. political viewpoint, association,
race, religion, etc.].
19. The decision to enforce was motivated by improper discriminatory
purpose, not a legitimate law enforcement objective.
20. But for that motive, enforcement would not have occurred.
21. Plaintiff is therefore entitled to relief.
Count 2 – (If applicable) First Amendment (chilling effect /
viewpoint discrimination in law enforcement)
22. Plaintiff repeats and re-alleges paragraphs 1–16.
23. The enforcement threat or action is chilling protected speech or
association, based on Plaintiff’s viewpoint or expression.
24. The government’s selective targeting is not narrowly tailored to a
compelling governmental interest and is impermissibly overbroad,
etc.
25. Plaintiff is entitled to relief.
(Optional) Count 3 – (If a statute allows) Bivens or damages
claim
26. Plaintiff repeats and re-alleges paragraphs 1–16.
27. To the extent permitted under [case law], Plaintiff seeks damages
against individual Defendants in their personal capacities for violation
of constitutional rights.
28. (Address defenses such as qualified immunity.)
Prayer for Relief
Wherefore, Plaintiff respectfully requests that the Court grant the
following relief:
A. A declaratory judgment that Defendants’ selective enforcement /
prosecution policy or practice violates the Constitution.
B. A preliminary and permanent injunction barring Defendants from
enforcing the statute / regulation selectively against Plaintiff (or
others similarly situated).
C. (If permissible) Award of nominal, compensatory, and punitive damages
against individual Defendants.
D. Costs, attorneys’ fees, and such further relief as the Court deems
just and proper.
Jury Demand
Plaintiff demands trial by jury on all issues so triable.
Gather comparative examples: You must find people who committed highly similar conduct (or worse) who were not prosecuted. Document the timelines, circumstances, and outcomes.
Internal documents or statements: Leaked memos, emails, voice recordings, public speeches or tweets by officials that indicate animus or targeting are gold. Circumstantial patterns (e.g. timing right after a statement) help.
Statistical evidence / pattern: If you can show a systematic pattern of targeting a class or viewpoint more than others, that strengthens the inference.
Public record / FOIA searches: Use Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) or other discovery to uncover documents about decisionmaking in the relevant enforcement offices.
Media / public record: If officials publicly name certain “enemies” or pledge enforcement on people, that helps connect motive.
Legal risk assessment: Be ready to face motions to dismiss (lack of standing, failure to state a claim, prosecutorial immunity) and summary judgment.
Even if your claim is dismissed or fails, you may achieve public record and pressure by filing and publicizing the lawsuit, forcing discovery, and creating a record.
You could start with ex parte / administrative complaints (e.g. to DOJ Civil Rights Division, Office of Inspector General, or relevant oversight bodies) to produce records before or parallel with litigation.
Another route is legislative / policy advocacy: use what you uncover to push Congress to require more oversight or reporting of enforcement decisions.
In parallel, media and public pressure can be as important as the legal action.
You might also consider Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuits to uncover internal memos about enforcement decisionmaking, even before bringing your constitutional challenge.
If you like, I can convert this skeleton into a version tailored specifically to your media / political speech / selective enforcement example, or help you flesh it out in your jurisdiction. Do you want me to flesh that for your specific scenario?
M: I would say that pretty much all of the examples you cited are exactly that. This administration has demonstrably shown an exact targeting of enemies publicly, whether those enemies were vaguely defined so that particular targets could be slotted in, or simply as an explicit dislike. I mean, during this current government shutdown, nothing but blue-state items and things generally thought of as being Democratic with a capital D have been targeted. So, yeah, a chilling of speech basically saying, bow to the king or get kicked in the nuts, that definitely is a standing. An explicit standing. As I started reading that, it seems like starting a bill that's a waiver to allow a suit would be the better way of drawing attention to this problem than an actual suit itself. Can you argue that out against yourself so I can get an audience perspective instead of trying to take a position one way or another, which one would be the better approach? If the goal is to fix the problem rather than any kind of personal gain?
G: Here’s a structured
argument vs. counter-argument comparison of the two
routes —
filing a suit vs. drafting a waiver
bill — focused on your stated goal: fixing the problem, not
personal gain.
(Direct confrontation route)
1. Immediate visibility.
A lawsuit creates an official docket, triggers press coverage, and can’t
easily be ignored. You get a judicial record and the government is
forced to respond in writing.
2. Forces discovery (if it survives
dismissal).
Even limited discovery can expose communications showing political bias
or misuse of authority, creating public documentation that legislators
or journalists can use.
3. Can create case law.
Even if it loses, a carefully reasoned opinion becomes precedent or at
least a reference point for later reform. You move the Overton window of
what counts as “selective enforcement.”
4. Symbolic moral high ground.
You’re asserting that citizens should have recourse when the Executive
uses enforcement as a weapon. It demonstrates personal risk for
principle—an act that itself can inspire legislative momentum.
1. Standing barrier.
Federal courts usually toss generalized grievances. Unless you’re
directly harmed (not just chilled as a member of the public), you’ll
likely be ruled to lack standing.
2. Sovereign immunity.
Without an existing waiver, the court has no jurisdiction. You’d be
dismissed before substance is ever considered.
3. Political question / discretion defense.
Courts routinely hold that enforcement priorities are
“non-justiciable”—a core executive function.
4. Risk of misframing.
Media or opponents could spin the case as partisan or frivolous. That
weakens the broader cause rather than strengthening it.
5. Outcome control.
You’re bound by whatever reasoning the court adopts. A loss could harden
precedent against future selective enforcement claims.
(Structural reform route)
1. Attacks the root: immunity.
By legislating a limited waiver of sovereign immunity for
viewpoint-based selective enforcement, you change the framework itself.
That permanently opens accountability instead of relying on a one-off
case.
2. Broader coalition potential.
You can build alliances across ideological lines—because both parties,
sooner or later, end up on the receiving end of executive bias. It’s
system-fixing, not partisan.
3. Avoids standing trap.
Congress can define who has standing, what counts as injury, and create
administrative remedies first (e.g., independent review board).
4. Public education tool.
You can use the bill itself as a rhetorical weapon. Even if it never
passes, its existence forces discussion: “Why does the government
get immunity for political persecution?”
5. Lower personal exposure.
You’re advocating reform, not becoming the plaintiff of record. The
issue—not you—stays at the center.
1. Slow and procedural.
Bills die quietly. The reform process is glacial, especially if both
parties anticipate being in power again and prefer keeping immunity
intact.
2. Requires legislative allies.
Without a champion inside Congress, it’s just words. That often means
lobbying, organizing, or public pressure campaigns—long-term, not
immediate.
3. No discovery.
You can’t subpoena or compel records through a bill proposal. So factual
exposure of current misconduct remains limited.
4. No immediate remedy.
People currently harmed still lack relief; future accountability is all
you get.
| Objective | Lawsuit | Waiver Bill |
|---|---|---|
| Expose current misconduct | Possible if discovery allowed | Weak; relies on hearings/public debate |
| Create lasting structural fix | No | Yes |
| Survive court barriers | Low chance | N/A (depends on Congress) |
| Speed | Fast to file, fast to die | Slow, but cumulative |
| Media impact | Sharp burst | Sustained narrative |
| Risk of backfire | High (adverse precedent) | Moderate (political framing) |
If you want systemic correction, not symbolic
martyrdom, the bill route is strategically stronger. It
reframes the issue from “my case” to “a flaw in
governance.”
You can still seed that bill with findings drawn from other
people’s cases—documenting specific examples of disparate
enforcement—without personally litigating.
If you want public confrontation and maximum visibility now, the lawsuit is the faster fuse. Even dismissal can ignite coverage, provided you draft it as a constitutional challenge exposing hypocrisy rather than seeking damages.
That path turns judicial defeat into legislative fuel.
In short: